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Gass . 



Book 



EA3S. 



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LiB.RAKYOFco:.tii:^:ss' 

THE DUTY OF NATIVE AMERICANS IN THE 
PRESENT CRISIS. 



Brothers of the Amen'rcin Order: 

In our progress through the years of 
our nation's life, we have arrived at one 
of those crises, when tlie most ardent 
patriotism, the most self-sacrificing love of 
country, the clearest wisdom and soundest 
discretion are necessary, if we would 
escape that social and national ruin which 
the opponents of Free Governments have 
so often predicted, as the certain termi- 
nation of our Democratic experiments. 
The whole nation is fearfully excited, 
the south against the north, the north 
against the south. Already one of those 
symptoms of disunion, described so graph- 
ically, and denounced so solemnly by 
the Father of his country, has appeared, 
viz : the formation of a sectional, geograpih- 
ical party in the North, soon to be fol- 
lowed, — who can doubt it ? — by the for- 
mation of an antagonistic partj- in the 
South. 

• We stand on the eve of another Prcsi- 
dential election. Party feeling has never 
been so intensified as now, and never be- 
fore has our entire nation been so pro- 
foundly interested in the issues and re- 
sults of any similar campaign. Men of 
all parties feel that these results, what- 
ever they are, will exercise a mighty 
influence over the whole future of our 
countrj'. 

It is well for us, then, — members of 
the American Party, — to pause here, and 
consider seriously and calmly, what obli- 
gations and duties our professions of 
Americanism impose upon us ; what course 
of policy they would urge us to pursue ; 
what candidates to support for ofiiee. Let 
us refresh our memories a little, by a 
momentary glance at the manner in which 
our membership in this party was con- 
summated, ami we cannot fail to see, 
without any obscurity, the way of our 
duty made plain before us. 



T\'hen we joined the American Party, 
did we not pledge our sacred honors, — 
nay, did we not solemnly swear — 

1st. That we would not aid or assist 
to place in oiEce any Roman Catholic or 
Foreigner ? 

2d. That we would ever hold sacred 
the Constitution of the I'nitcd States, 
and uphold, at all risks, our Federal 
Union ? 

3d. That we would submit to the will 
of the majority, when fairly expressed, 
and use every honest endeavor to elect 
to office those candidates who have been 
regularly nominated, b}' conventions of 
the Party, regularly called ? 

Kow in the light of those obTigations, 
is it not clear as noon-day, what should 
be the course of our political action ? Are 
we not bound by our oaths, to vote for 
the candidates of our Part}' ? And who 
are these Candidates '? 

At a Convention of Americans, held in 
Philadelphia, on the 22d of February last, 
the spontaneous and unanimous choice of 
the Delega-tes fell on Millard Fillmore, 
of New York, as their candidate for the 
Presidency, and A. J. DoxEr.soN of Ten- 
nessee, as their candidate for the Vice 
Presidency. This Convention was regu- 
larly called. No one has ever disputed 
its legality. The whole country was rep- 
resented there. Delegates from all the 
states excepting ^'crraont and Maine, 
participated in its deliberations. Its 
acts are therefore binding on the entire 
party. The National Convention re- 
affirmed its American principles, and de- 
nounced in indignant terms the repeal of 
the Missouri Compromise, and all the 
iniquities in Kanzas which followed. 

Millard Filliiork, in accepting the 
nomination, accepts our platform of prin- 
ciples, and endorses all of our American 
doctrines. He is an American and a 
Protestant, has long been a member of 
our party, — and an active and earnest 
philanthropist. 



n/ 



( 2 ) 



Now, under these civcumstanccs, is 
there au American, who can conscien- 
tiously, — without au utter loss of honor, 
— ay, more, is there one who can without 
laying on his soul the unspeakably, ter- 
rible sin of peijury, repudiate Mr. Fill- 
more, and suf)port the candidate of a 
party, which is directly hostile to the 
American, — which has no sympathy with 
it, and which is doing all that lays in its 
power to seduce to its side the foreign 
x'Ote i 

There can be but one answer to these 
questions. No American can repudiate 
Mr. Fillmore, and support Mr. Fremont 
and the liepublicans, without breaking 
every oath he has taken, violating every 
pledge, and ignoring every principle of 
Americanism ! ! All of us, Americans, 
are bound to vote for Millai-d Fillmore ; 

First, Because he is the candidate of 
our party. 

Second, Because he represents our 
American doctrines. 

Third, Because he has been tried, and 
is proved to be loyal to the Constitution, 
and to Freedom, impartially just and in- 
flexibly honest. 

On the other hand, we cannot vote for 
Mr. Fremont, 

1st. Because he is not the candidate of 
our Party, but of another which is di- 
rectly hostile to us. 

2d. He is not an American, and open- 
ly avows that he has no sympathy with 
the ,'Vmerican Party. 

3d. His Protestantism is extremely 
doubtful. If he is not now a Catholic, 
all the evidence, — and there is enough 
collected to hang a man on any capital 
charge, — ^which has been produced re-' 
garding his religion, proves beyond a 
doubt, that up to a very recent period 
he ever professed to be a Romanist. If 
any American has any doubts on this 
point, we refer him to the following 
PROOFS of J. C. Fremont's Ilomanism ! 

The following comes in from Sandusky, Ohio. 
Jlr. Wood is now on one of the lake propel- 
lers. Everybody on the line of the lake knows 
■Tustice Patterson, and the sea-furing men know 
Wood and have full confidence in him: 
The State of Onio, ) John James Wood, of 
Erie County, ss. ) lawful age, first being du- 
ly swoni, deposeth and saith. I belonged to 



Frigate Congress, Com. Stockton, and went to 
California in 1S44, and returned in 1849, was de- 
tailed by Commodore Stockton in 1846 I think, to 
take care of Col. Fremont, now the Kepublican 
nominee for the Presidency, during a fit of sick- 
ness, and during that time Col. Fremont was 
quite sick and sent for a Catholic Priest, who ad- 
ministered to him (Col. Fremont) the Sacrament, 
and burnt over him incense. This ceremony was 
performed every morning until Col. Fremont got 
better. That Col. Fremont was Oien a Roman 
Catholic I have no doubt, whether he is now a 
CathoUc or not I am not able to say. 

John James Wood. 

Sworn to anrl subscribed before me by tlie 
above-named John James Wood, this 18th day of 
September, A. D. ISuG. 

Geo. S. PATTERS0^•, J. P. 

It is a maxim of the law that " a dying man is 
an honest man." Hence the rule, that the dying 
declarations of a party are admissible in his own 
case, and are received in common law courts as 
the highest species of evidence. Here -we h.ave 
Col. Fremont in extremis vwrtuls, declaring by 
(lets which speak louder than words, that his faith 
i-; in the rites of that church and believes in the 
saving grace of the "incense that burns over 
him." 

The next witness is Mr. Kufus Hersey, lately of 
Hinghara, JIassachnsetts, who knew Fremont in 
California, and who says that he with his wife 
used to attend the Roman Catholic Church thei'e 
on Sundays. 

Afain, Mr. James G. Swan, now in lledford, 
Mass., says th.at he knew Fremont in CaUfonua, 
and knew him as a Roman Catholic. 

Again, Mr. Heni-y Teschemacher, formerly of 
East Boston, and lately returned from California, 
knew Fremont in Los Angelos, to^be a frequent 
attendant on the Roman Catholic Chui-ch. 

Then we have the following testimony from Mr. 
Jesse Jlorrill, formerly from Charlestown, Mass., 
where he was for a long time in the employment 
of the Fitchburg Railroad Company, and a man in 
whom entire reliance may be placed: 

Sacramento, Cal., Aug. 19, ISoC. 
J. E. Farwell, Esq., 

Z>enr Sh; — I see by some of the Eastern papers, 
there is some doubt about the religious opinions of 
Col. Fremont. As for that, I think I can put you 
right. 

In November, 1849, learning that Col. Fremont 
was in attendance at the Roman Catholic chui-ch, 
and having a desire, from curiosity, to see him, I 
followed. I SAW HIM GO TO THE HOLY 
WATER, DIP HIS FINGER IN, AND CROSS 
HIMSELF, AND THEN GO TOWARDS THE 
ALTAR AND GET DOWN ON HIS KNEES. 



^^ 



A-' 



'S^ 



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( 3) 



DUrJXG SERVICE I SAW IIIJI CROSS HIM- 
SELF SEVERAL TIMES!! I have since, on 
one occasion, SEEN HIJI PARTAKE OF THE 
SACRAMENT IN THAT CHCRCH. 



« 



* 



* 



I am yours, &c., J. MoRniLi,. 

Robert D. Hart, Esq., Secretary of the Astor 
Fire Insurance Company, in New York, who early 
■went out to San Francisco, California, who was ii 
member of the Order of United Americans, and 
introduced that Order into California, founding 
there Eureka Chapter No. 1, states that wheu 
Fremont was first up for U. S. Senator in Califor- 
nia, the Americans and some others took issue 
against him, and opposed him upon the distinct 
ground that be was a Roman Catholic. 

One of the Editors of the New Jersey Union, 
corroborates tlie same statement, from his own 
knowledge. 

We would also refer to Bishop Allemany, of 
California. 

The Boston Pilot, a leading Roman Catholic 
organ in this country, speaking of Col. Fremont 
before his nomination, said: — 

If Fremont is nominateil, we shall see the 
strange sight of this Anti-Catholic, dark-lantern, 
oath-bound party, tiominntin^/ a Cn(hciUc,aii(l a son 
of a foreigner, for the highest ortice in the gift of 
the people ! For a Catholic to be put into the Pres- 
idential chair, by the parttj irhftse only creed is hatred 
and persecutioyi of Oitholicifii, will be in the 
world's hi.story like Ei.Rhind, restoring Pope Pius 
VII. to Rome, a proof that governments and par- 
ties are unwilling instruments in God's hands to 
use as he will. 

Again a correspondent of the same Pilot, writ- 
ing from New Yoi-k, in June last, asserts the fact 
that Fremont is a Catholic. 

Mr. Henry Blancliard, of Wilmington, Mass., 
well known as a man of probity and honor, says 
that prior to Fremont's nomination he was in New- 
York, and was introduced to a lady Avho assured 
him th.it she knew Col. Fremont, and had attend- 
ed the Catholic Church with him, and that in 
conversation with him regarding his being nomi- 
nated by any of the coming Conventions, he said 
he did not see how the Americans could nominate 
him as he was a Roman Catholic. 

Father Olivetti, a Jesuit Priest at Whitehall, 
New I'^ork, asserted that he knew John C. Fremont 
to be a Catholic, and that he said so is substan- 
tiated by the statement of C. D. Culver, Esq., and 
the affidavits of Charles B. Guy and J. R. Gandal, 
as follows, (from the Albany Statesman): 

STATEMENT OF C. D. CULVER, ESQ. 

Saxdt Hill, Sept. 2, 1856. 
Editor of Albany Statesman : 

Dear Sir: — My relations with Rev. Mr. Olivetti, 
having always been of the most friendly character 



personally, and being averse to newspaper contro- 
versies, or heated political discussions, I have 
endeavored to avoid any in this case. 

Having, however, been shown an aflid.avit in 

a stateni.'Mt in;i.|.' Iiv Mr. Olivrtli, |nt I'm-t Kd- 



viird . 
■it 1 u 



M .il'Au-u-t i 
id is to be 11 






: luiblic, I deem it 
piitiiciv |ir. per to state, that I was present on the 
'"■'■i-i'M iilliiilcd to, and can only repeat here, 
wliiit I liavf -airl before, when questioned in re- 
gard to the matter — that the Rev. Mr. Olivetti did 
say, without reserve, that Me. Fkemont was 
A Catholic, and that he siioult> vote for 
HIM this fall, a gentleman who was with 
him, and who also appeared to be a Catholic 
priest, said to Mr. Olivetti, " You have never 
voted." "I know it, but I shall vote for Mr. 
Fremont this fall," was Mr. Olivetti's answer. 
Very respectfully, yours, 

C. D. CULVER. 

C. D. Culver, Esq., is known to every one of 
our readers in tliis locality, and to nearly every 
one in the State. But for 'the benefit of those in 
other States, we would state that he is an eminent 
lawyer, a gentleman of unblemished character, 
and high moral worth, a man of property, and an 
oxci'lleiit ami popular citizen. 

I hi- i' s,i:,,t;,,,tiat.'d by the sworn affidavits of 
•1. (I. i;.i!id:ill. I.M|. of Fort Edward, for years a 
Shrnir :it Wasliihgton Countv, N. Y., and of 
ClKirles i;. (iuy, Esq. of KingsLury, in the simie 
County, well known citizens and men of high 
character and integrity. 

The New Y'ork Citizen, a weekly American Irish 
journal, and a Catholic paper, speaking of Fre- 
mont's Romanism, savs: — 

"It seems stran^'p'tlint while the question of 
Mr. Fiviimnr- rrli-I.,,i is ;i-ii:iiii,.^ the whole 
Union, \,r -iirlnk- iVoni i,v,,uiL, liis religious 
principles. It i- tmr that ruliuinn lias nothiiig to 
do with political questions which are to be tried 
in his person. But what his professed religion is 
now, has something to do with his character, and 
therefore with his tltness for office. That he was 
a Catholic seems to be beyoud the shadow of a 
doubt. 

But the matter is finallv put entirelv at rest by 
the followiiiu autlKiritative statmn nt 'rniin Arch- 
bishop Illli;iir-,,wiipa|.r,: — ■■ 11:. .\,:r Y..,l; Free- 

mun'sJuunKil „,„/ CulLolic /,\ ,./.s;, ,■, //„ „iliu,dur- 
yunof the most JUcertnd ArdMsUp," hi its issue 
of Sept. 13, 1855: 

The party known as Choctaws, North Ameri- 
cans, or Anti-Slavery Know Nothings, offered Mr. 
Fremont their nomination, and he formally ac- 
cepted it, having avowed his sympathy with'most 
of their principles, and his purpose to carry them 
out, if he could be elected. According to the 
New York Times, n Fremont paper, this Conven- 
tion whicli thus nominated Mr. Fremont was com- 
posed of those " who bolted from the American 
(K. N.) National Council and Nominating Conven- 
tion in Philadelphia, by reason of the admission 
therein of delegates representing a Roman Catholic 
constituency — thus taking the most decided posi- 
tion as Anti-Roman Catholics, and still maintain- 
ing that position.'' Yet, as if to illustrate how 
utterly profligate in principle Know Nothingism 
fs, and how necessarily self-stultifying, theytake 
AS their candidate a man sltposkd to be a 
Catholic. 

Having selected such an one for their candidate, 
the next curious step is the attempt to make out. 



( 4) 



— not tliat Sir. Fremont had given up being a 
Ciithulie — not that lie was now a Protestant, or of 
reli);ion — a thing |)ossil)le in itself, plausible 



iilvli; 



moreover, and whicli iie cert 
right to do withont beiiifr ]'"liti 
about it— iH( rtn( he neri-rJufl l-<-,-; 
hadsoproftsst^dldin^cif. 'I'm i^ 

KANT IMPOSITION Ul'li.N Till- ' 1 i 

American rEoi'Ln that iia> i \ 
Hail the appeal been made to thi 
])rinciple that a man's religion is not a matter on 
which he ought to submit to questioning — however 
ntradictoiy this midit be to the inqnisitorial 



the political 
ly rpiestioned 
('niii.'ljf, never 

j\<',T FLAO- 

I I I 1 OF THE 

II I.X TRIED. 

enl American 



dicta of the Know-N" 
would have found -sniiu- 
ATTEMI'T TO MAKi; 
LOW SO AllsriJH A 
FREMHXT 1)11) Ml I 
HIMsr.LF A hn.MAN 



iuconsistencv 
. |i;inlM„ it. BUT THE 
I 111. riTiUC SWAL- 
Tiil;V AS Tll.VT MU. 

Ill: ■! i:ai;s riiOFESs 

.MIIiil.lU— AND XO- 



pe 



THlNd liTf A |;0.\1A.\ UAIUOLIC — HAS 
AtrrUALIA' SOMETHING IN IT HARDLY 
ONE STEP FE0.M THE SUBLIME. 

The following letter from Mr. McMasters, iu the 
Cohmibus (Ohio) Capital City Fact, of Sept. 2a, 
is sulhcieiitly explicit, whatever may be said of its 
temper : 

OJice of (III: N. i'. Freeman's .Join-nal, ) 
Sept. 6th, ISDO. j 

Slit: — No such article as you refer to has ap- 
j.j.ired in the Freeman's Journal — nor would I 
admit it — even to injure the prospects of the can- 
didate of so Dad a party as the Black Republicans, 
because the rei.uiion of Mr. Fremont, if he has 
any left, has nothing to do with his claims for 
office, or should have nothing to do with them at 
least. 

What is more to the purpose, is the PERSONAL 
VERACITY of Mr. Fremont. If you can get any 
one to get him to say over his own sip^nntiire, what 

ho seems to authorize his fri !- tn -:iy i'nr him, 

viz: that IIK has never ri;oi i >,i.i. n> be a 
c.vrHOLic. THEN I Wll.l. HIIAND IIIM PUB- 
LICLY AS A l.lAi:. n, I kiiiiw tlir wh.ile story 
ofhislifpiii W.^l, :i -"ii.iiii'l i.ur:v Til \r DAILY 
AND FOR 'ii;\l;>. Hi: rKiin>M;|i TO BE 

A CATiiiii.ic. iii\i iii; n:iin>si;D to 

BE srcll WHEN IIK \VA,> M \l;l;ilTi. THAT 
HE A\ uWTTi !IIM>rT.F SI (II In HIS BRO- 
THER UFFlcKKS IN ITIi; AIIMV. AND TO 
MEN IN Civil. I.IFE — Til rRnTESTANTS 
AND CATHOLICS, WHOM I KNOW AND 
COULD CITE AS I'RoiiF. BUT .1. C. FRE- 
MONT DARE NOT OVKI; Ills OWN NAME, 
DENY A FACT I CAN IIWI, SWo|>N TO 
BY TWENTY DISIIM I \l I 1 1 1 A \ 1 1 S OF 
HIGHLY RESPECl Al'.l.i; riolid:. MEN AND 

WOMEN, im;h>i-' ami i.w. < mholic 

AND PRO 11. SI \NI'. \:/:^tli;it io|; YEARS 
HE l'ROFI,>Si;|i IIIM>l.l.r A lAllloLlc, 
AND DEN11;D llAVINt; AW OTHEI; BELIEF 
IN ANY OTHER RELIGI.ON. 

A man who will LIE about a serious fact in his 
own history, ought to be denoimcefl, if he jiretends 
tarnn for "Presi<lent, even of so mean a coalition 
as Black Republicans and Chocktaw K. N,'s. IF 
COL. FREMONT WILL ASSERT TH.\T HE 
HAS NEVER GIVEN Hl.MSELF OUT AS A 
CAT'HOEIC, I WILL CLAP THE HOT IRON 
ON HIM tJlTCK AND SURE. 

At the same time allow me to say that if yon are 
a Democrat, I am ushamcil of you, seeking to hurt 
even Fremont, bad na he is, on a religious question. 



But if you are a Hindoo, it is perfectly in keeping 
with the rest of your principles. Y'oiirs, 

J. A. .McMASTER, 
Editor and Proprietor of I'reeman's Journal. 
Such is the simple detail of facts. Such is the 
record. And without hesitation we affirm that it 
is a matter of utter and absolute impossibility to 
find such a record against any man that is not a 
Romanist. 

4lh. Mr. Fremont's course on the 
question of Slavery is not satisfactory. 
For proof of this, we refer you to the 
Congressional records during the 2 1 days 
ho was a member of the U. S. Senate. 
Every vote he cast tiiekb is eecokded 

BY THE side OF THE VOTES OF THE BuTLKHS, 
TUB AtCIIISONS, AND OTHER EXTREME PrO- 
SlAVERY MEN OF THE SoTITII. EVERY VOTE 
HE GAVE WAS AGAINST THE AnTI-Sl.WERY 

Party ! ! ! 

5th. Wc, as Americans, cannot sup- 
port Mr. Fremont, because he is the Can- 
didate of a Party which is geographical' 
and sectional, dangerous to the peace of 
the Union and the integrity of the nation. 
By its own admission it is not a j^arty of 
positive principles, but simply a negation ! 
It exists only by virtue of hostility to one 
section of the Country. — by opposition to 
the Administration of (ien. Pierce. It is 
composed of the discontented, the restless, 
the radicals, the come-outers from all 
parties. The no-government men, no- 
church men, the no-law men, belong to 
this party. Unquestionablj' its aim is to 
intensify the northern sentiment as it is 
called, — deepen the feeling, already too 
profound, of hostility to the South, and 
thus dissolve the I'nion ! ! 

It is true the Republican Party claims 
the suffrages of all the benevolent on the 
ground of its anti-slavery professions. 
But where is the record of its anti-sla- 
very deeds . It exists only in its loud pro- 
fessions of Philanthropy, — its noisy dec- 
lamations in favor of Freedom ; and the 
flaming rhetoric of its orators ! When 
and where in Congress, or in the States 
has it done a thing of the least practical 
benefit to the African race '? We look in 
vain for the first act. They attempt to 
influence the passions of the people against 
j\lr. Fillmore, by denouncing the Fugitive 
Slave Laws; and yet, iiicoi-porate that 
same law in llieir oicn hill, for the settle- 
ment of the Kauzas difficulties ! ! The 



( 5 ) 



Ecpublicans, speak with seeming indig- 
nation of tlie existing pro-slavery laws of 
Kanzas, stigmatizing tliem as infamous, 
barbarous, and Liraconian, and yet 
twice, — let this be remembered, — and yet 
TWICE RKFUSKD to concur with the bills 
that had passed the Senate by large ma- 
jorities, and which abrogated those ini- 
quitous laws every one I 

And, again, when Mr. Haven, of New 
York, oft'ered another amendment which 
all good men who desired to settle the 
troubles in Kanzas ought to have sup- 
ported, — it was killed by the previous 
question ordered by the Eepublican ma- 
jority of the House ! 

-4nd even now what is the policy of 
this party in regard to Kanzas ? Is it a 
policy that is likely to secure that terri- 
tory to i'recdom '! By no means. The 
Free State men acting under the advice 
of the Republican leaders to refuse to 
exorcise their rights as citizens, and thus 
voluntarily give the territory up to a 
small minority of Pro-slavery men; the 
result of which must be to perpetuate 
slavery there, when they have it in their 
jwMcr by calm and judicious management 
to.make Kanzas free when it shall become 
a State. Wo to that party whose only 
political capital is discord, and commo- 
tion, riots and blood ! 

6th. Americans cannot vote for Mr. 
Fremont without an utter abandonment 
of all the principles of their political 
creed. 

The Eepublican is pre-eminently a 
foreign party. It bids high for the for- 
eign ami Eoman Catholic vote. Its plan 
is to rise to power through the aid of the 
foreign population and the abolitionists. 
How can Americans who have sworn to 
restrain of repress the influence of for- 
eigners in our government, engage in a 
political enterprise, ^^hich, if successful, 
will increase that influence a hundred 
fold, and make it the paramount power to 
which all else must yield '! 

That this compact does exist between 
Eepublicans and foreigners, is proved by 
one significant fact. When a committee 
from a self constituted Convention in Xew 
York, composed of a small faction of 
Americans, desired admission to the Ee- 



publica-n Convention, then in session in 
Pliiladelphia, for purposes of conference, 
they were refused, and treated with in- 
sult and scorn. And why '! Because, 
said Mr. Giddings, of Ohio, "if we re- 
ceive these Americans, with their obnox- 
ious principles tve shall lose the foreign 
votes." Then howin the name of consisten- 
C3'.'i 1 honor can we Americans give our 
suSrages to place in office the candidate 
of a part3',which insultingly tells us. that 
it despises our principles, and prefers a 
political partnership with foreigners and 
Eomanists, to any aifiliation with us? 

7th. We cannot support- j\[r. Fre- 
mont and the Eepublican party, because 
by so doing we iibdicate our manhood, 
outrage our dignity, and become the tools 
of political leaders who desire to use us 
to their own advant;ige. 

Compared with the great American 
party of the Union, the Eepublican party 
is an insignificant body, and in the Nor- 
thern States alone, the proportion of Ec- 
publicans to Americans is not more than 
one to forty/ And yet this party, so in- 
significant, has the presumption to call 
on us to abandon our jtrineiples, to aban- 
don our candidates, and turn our backs 
upon all of our cherished opinions. It is 
humiliating to think that any considera- 
ble number of Americans have been so 
fascinated, deceived and blinded, as to 
listen to this call, and allow themselves 
to be ivhipped into the Fremont ranks. 

Suppose JMr. Fremont should be elected 
and by your votes, — for he cannot be 
elected without them — it would not be 
an American, but a Eepublican victory ; 
for the Eepublicans claim him exclusive- 
ly as their candidate, and will allow of no 
division of the spoils ! 

Shall we then so sink our m.anhood, 

' as to become willing slaves to a I'arty 

without principle — a party openly and 

avowedly hostile to us — become hewers 

j of wood and drawers of water to our cnc- 

j mies, — beasts of burden harnessed to their 

chariots, to enable them to ride into the 

; high places of power and emolument '? 

In the State of New York, the North 
' Americans who, for a time, supported 
i Fremont, saw their humiliating position 
I and inconsistency ; and their self-respect 



( 6 ) 



compelled tbem to repudiate that mon- \ 
strous coalition, and give tlicir hearty , 
and cheerful support to JJr. Fillmore, i 
"Will not those Americans of New England, 
Tvho have unfortunately been touched by 
this strange fascination, — upon whom the 
dark shadow of soi-dfsatit liepublioanism 
has fallen like an infernal spell, — cast oif 
this fatal delusion, and follow the noble | 
example of their brethren of the Empire | 
State ? I 

It is painful to contemplate even the 
possibility that a great party like the 
American, which numbers its millions, 
should lose its indivduality, and sink 
itself out of sight in a party like the 
Eepublican, which numbers only its thou- 
sands ! That the aim of the Republicans 
has been, and is, to break up and destroy, 
and at last swallow up the American 
Party, is too obvious to need any further 
proofs. -It is for this we have been invited 
to this unnatural coalition. But Ameri- 
cans will not stultify themselves to this 
extent. They will shake off this Fremont 
fascination, and when it is past will won- 
der they could be so deluded ! The 
Eepublicans will not swallow the Ameri- 
cans until the Gadfly swallows the Lion ! 
When Hull shall annex all the cities of 
this Continent, and command their alle- 
giance, then may the Republicans be able 
to annex the American Party to their own 
Insignificance ! 

Sth. Americans cannot give any 
countenance to the Itepiihlican Party, 
because its very nature tends to disunion. 
It strikes, at one blow, fifteen stars from 
our national banner ! • It is arrayed in 
direct hostility to the South. It calls 
itself a Northern Party ; and virtually, 
says that so long as slavery exists the 
South shall not participate in the govern- 
ment of the nation ; and it hopes to con- 
tinue its existence by making more deep 
and intense the sentiment of hatred be- 
tween the two sections of the country. 
It objects to our Candidate for the Vice 
Presidency, Andrew J. Donelson, because 
he resides in the South, and is the owner 
of slaves ! It would therefore ostracise, 
were they living, Washington, Patrick 
Henry, Jefferson, Madison, Munroe, Jack- 
son and Taylor ! 



True, there are individual members of 
the I'Vcmont Party, who deny that they 
are disunionists. But a party is to be 
judged, not by the opinions of a few indi- 
viduals, but by the general tone and 
spirit which pervade it. And throughout 
the Republican party there is discoverable 
a feeling of intense hatred to the South. 
The speeches of its orators, the articles 
of its newspapers, and the conversation 
of its members, are all redolent of dis- 
union, and of treason to the Constitution 
of the country. 

'J'lie true 'Americnn, a black republican orgau in 
Erie couuty, Penusylvania, in commenting upon a 
spi>ecli delivered at a democratic meeting, says: — 

" 'I'his twaddle about the ' Unum' and its ^pre- 
semilion ' is too silly and sickening for any good 
efl'ect. He think that the Ubertij of a single slave is 
worth more than all the Usiox God's usivekse 

CAN hold! " 

Mr. Giddings has said: — 

" I look forward to the day when there shall lie 
a servile insurrection in the south ; when the 
black man, armed with British bayonets, and led 
on by British officers, shall assert his freedom, and 
wage a war of extermination against his master; 
when the toixhof the incendiary shall light up the 
towns and cities of the south, and blot out the last 
Te=tage of slavery. And though I may not mock 
attheircalamity,'nor laugh when tlieirfear cometh 
yet I will hold it as the dawn of a political millen- 
iiium." 

Hear Rnfus P. Spaulding, a member of the,re- 
publican convention at Philadelphia: — 

" lu the case of the alternative being presented 

of the continuance of slavery or a dissolution of 

1 the Union, I am for dissolution, aud 1 care not how 

soon it comes." 
I Hear Erastus Hopkins, auother member of the 

same convention : — 
1 " If peaceful means fail us, and we are di-iven to 
; the last extremity, where bollots are useless, then 
we'll make bullets efiective." (Tremendous ap- 
plause.) 
j Hear H. M. Addison, of the American Adverti- 
j ser, a republican print : — 

I " I detest slavery, and say unhesitatingly that I 
, am in favor of its" abolition by some means, if it 
send all the party organizations in the Union, and 
I the Union itself, to the devil." 

Hear "J. S. P.," the Washington correspondent 
of the New York Tribune, the leadi»g repubhcan 
paper : — 

" I have no doubt but that the free and slave 
states ought to separate." 

Hear a republican clergyman of Poughkeepsie: 
I " I pr.ay daily that this accursed Union may be 
; dissolved, even if blood have to be spilt." 
j Hear a republican petition to congress, circula- 
ted some months since: — 
I " We earnestly request congress, at its session, 
I to take such initiatory measures for the speedy, 
I peaceful and equitable dissolution of the existing 
! Union, es the exigencies of the case may require." 
Hoar Horace Grcelev. the most proniinet repub- 



lica 



edito 



1 the ( 



" The Union is not worth supporting in connec- 
tion with the south." 



( 7 ) 



Hear Thomas Ford, a member of tlie freesoil 
know nothing convention at New York, and a sup- 
porter of Fremont: — 

" The time has come when we must declare we 
love freedom better than tlie Union." 

Hear Linus B. Comins, a republican member of 
the U .S. House of Eepresentatives from Jlassachu- 
setts : — 

"I am in favor (in certain continsencies) of draw- 
ing blacls lines around tlie constitution, aud wri- 
ting the word ej'piinfierf across its face." 

Can any voter who loves his country lie induced 
to give strength to such treasonable sentiments, 
by voting for the candidate of that party? We 
shall see how far the haters of the constitution 
and o{>posers of the union will succeed. 

And can Americans who have sworn 
before the flag of their country, and in 
the dread j_ presence of the Master of 
Nations, that they will defend that Union, 
and oppose to the last all attempts to 
dissolve it, coalesce with a Tarty, the 
leaders of which speak of such a dissolu- 
tion, as probable, and even desirable ? 
No true American, certainly, can do this ; 
no one who loves his country, and reve- 
rences the memory of his country's 
Father. From his grave, thcglmmortal 
Washington, in tones of solemn earnest- 
ness, rebukes that Party to day. AVould 
that all might have grace enough to listen 
to his affectionate warning. 

It is of infinite moment that you should properly 
estimate the isimkxse value of your National 
Union to your collective and individual happiness ; 
that vou should cherish a cordial, habitual and im- 
rrun'olle attachvient to it, accustominti yourselves to 
think and to sPE.iK of it ns the pnimiUum of your 
political safety and prosperity ; trnfchii/r/for ifs pre- 
setmation loith jealous anxiety; discuuntennutiuff 
whatever may suggest even a s/is/uitoa that it can 
in ANY EVENT be abandoned ; and inditjanthj f -own- 
ing upon the first attempt to alienate any /ttjrtivn of 
the country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred 
ties which Hotv link togcUier the various pai-ts." 

For the foregoing reasons, then, to say 
nothing of others, too numerous to bo 
mentioned here, we, Americans, cannot 
support Mr. Fremont and the Eepublican 
Tarty. 

Millard Fillmore, is our candidate, 
and as a Patriot, a I'nion man, and a rep- 
resentative of Northern sentiment, he is 
all we can desire. Nay, if we are to sup- 
port a man on account of his anti-slavery 
tendencies, then Mr. Fillmore must be 
the candidate of our election, for while 
the public record of Mr. Fremont, is all 
black with pro-slavery deeds, that of 
Millard Fillmore, glows with the gener- 
ous light of an enlightened philanthropy. 
Look for a moment at the public acts of 



the two candidates, and then let anti- 
slavery men choose between them. 

J. C. Fremont's Record. 

On Wednesday, Sept. 11, 1850, the day after 
Mr. Fremont took his seat as a senator, Jlr. Under- 
wood called up the bill for the relief of the Amer- 
ican Colonization Society, stating that the claim 
had been favorably reported on two years before. 

Mr. Turuey asked for the reading of the report. 

The rriKirf M'ts Inrth tli.ir a liberal construction 
of the lilt Ml Ciii-T I' Maii-h 3, 1819, would re- 
quire tliat till- iTiivriiini.-iit -hiuild provide for the 
support ui' thu.-'C iccaptiu't-'d Africans for a reason- 
ble time after they had been landed iu Lib^ia, 
and that it is beneath the dignity of the Govern- 
ment to devolve this duty upon the Society. The 
petition of the executive committee of the Society, 
which the committee incorporated in their report, 
states that on the 16tli of December, 1845, the 
United States ship Vorktown, Commodore Bell, 
landed at Manoviii, in Liberia from the slaver 
Pons, seven hundred aud fifty recaptured Afri- 
cans, " in charge of the agent of the United States 
for recaptured Africans, in a naked, starving, and 
dying condition," all of them except twenty-one; 
being under the age of twenty-one. 

The United States made no provision for their 
support, after they were landed. By the con- 
struction given to the act of 1819 by President 
Monroe, the United States were bound to support 
these recaptives, but by a narrower constniction 
given to the act, subsequently a contrary course 
was pursued, and the Government was considered 
to have disehai-ged its duties under the act on 
landing them iu Liberia. In the support, educa- 
tion, &c., of the seven hundred and fifty persons, 
a large expense w'as devolved upon the Society, 
which they ask shall uow be refunded to them. 
***** 

These services were not required to be perform- 
ed by the Society, under their constitution, but 
the alternative was for these recaptured Africans 
to starve and die, and the Society therefore cheer- 
fully took charge of them, relying upon the Gov- 
ernment of the United States to refund the cost to 
them. 

After some discussion and amendment the ques- 
tion was taken on the engrossment of the bill for a 
third reading, and resulted — yeas 29, nays 16. — 
Vide Congressional Globe, vol. 24, part 2, page 
1805. 

Among the navs were Messrs. Atchison, Butler 
and FREMOXT." 

Sept. 12. The Senate baviug under considera- 
tion the bill for the suppression of the slave trade 
in the District of Columbia, Mr. Seward offered a 
substitute doing awav with slavery forever in the 
District of Columbia," and appropriatinrr S290,000 
to pav the daiiiaMr, Im cwn.-r-, |iruvidi'd the people 
of the District at an .-le.-tiMii to l.e h'Min for that 
purpose, should accept the bill; if not, the bill to 
be null and void. 

The substitute was lost by a large majority, and 
among the nays were Messrs. Atchison, Butler 
and Fremont. — Congressional Globe, vol. 1, part 2, 
p.age 1810. 

September 18. The bill punishing persons for 
enticing slaves from the District of Columbia, 
having been read a second time, and considered as 
iu committee of the whole, Mr. Hale moved that 
the bill be committed to the District of Columbia, 
with instructions to amend it so as to abolish 
slavery in the District of Columbia. Lost by a 
large majority; among the nays, Atchisou, Butler 



f 8 ) 



iiiil FliE.MOXT. — See Cont/ressinjuil Ghbe, vol. 
■11, part 2, piige 1850. 

The abo\e votes of Mr. Fremont, show 
that all his sympathies were with the \ 
South, anu that he repudiated entirely 
all auii-slavery sentiments. 

Xow turn to 

illLLAKD PiLLMORe's EeCORD. 

^Ir. Fillmore was willing that C.iLr-. -Ii- iiM 
'.•ccivcpetitions to abolisli slavery ;ii n,' I' i > !«[ 
1 i.lumbia, anil in the Territorie?. mi i i ;. - ' '■ 
)i.i other slave state might ever be aiiuuituJ iuiu 
the"Unioii. | 

He vi-as not willin"; that resohitions condemna- 
torv of those principles should be oftered. ] 

He has expressed the opinions that Congress 
has power to abolish slavery in the District of 
t'nlumbia, and that it m.ay prohibit the removal of 
>.1li\ r. iVr.m nne slave state to another 

llr VMtrd tJKit tiie agitation of slavery, with the 
Piirih.^r (,r ;ili(.i;tion m the States, is not against 
[he i on^titiitioi, : nnt an infringement of the right 
of the States ; and ml a breach of confederate 

He voted that Congress may discrimmate be- 
tween the institutions of the different States, -n-ith 
a view to abolish those of some States, and to 
promote those of others. 

To declare slaves free, wbo had gone to sea with 
the consent of their masters, and to protect them 
in their freedom. . . 

To repeal all laws and constitutional provisions 
V,v , I i. !: tl, ■ ■.' :, ii' J ivernment is bound to pro- 

tr'.,', ; .■■ii: ,. : . :' -;:ivery. 

\ , 1 , :, ; >f any new State into the 

Viiii'i \', ; .'-• .■ 111-! iiii!i<in tolerates slavery. 

A '.liiitt the aiiia-xation of Texas, solely on the 
ground that slavery e.visted in that country. 

To abolish slavery in the district of Columbia. 

To prohiWt the bnvin? and foWrnz of =Iaves m 
the District and other T.-rnti.ri.- 'ii'tli" 1 imiii. 

He suiiporteil bv his vnl.- intitiiHi, in ( "n.^n-s 
to repeal the act of the Tenitnry nf Flnrida, tu 
prevent migration office iiesroes to the Territor)-. 

He rcmit'ted the fines and discharged the recog- 
nizance of certain abolitionists who had kidnapped 
seventy-three slaves at one time from the District 
of Columbia. 

lie lins exm-essed the opinion tliat the Missouri 
r.shi.ii.;, J,.,,M never lace been nj.eoh.l.^ Jlis 
f) II .'ii',< iy/ ' '<'i:'/ressh(ive voted for tit, r< sf"r'''hvi of 
*//;i>-. / c .-/,M '''"s. lie i$ hmiml I'lj /i/.. onix "ioid 

w I ' I, ii'.'i ■!-■ i.|-,,,|.-i-<-.y.'r In ,ipin-or,'nN,/., „<hlNi;.,„ol 
„„,/ ,,„., ' .. .. 77-..IW-/II.,., 'I '.< wss-c,|(,,/ 

„<„;■,„, , . - MlI.LAlll. I'llLMiil:!-: 'rill,/ 

,;,,/,,/ J'r.rr'<:'-.''.r'-"" II"- '■'/""' if llie KoiL-MS 



Notwithstanding all these facts, there 
are some professed Americans who still 
persist in supporting J. C. Fremont. 
Their reasons, for so doing, are peculiar, 
and reveal a singular state of political 
morality. "We love," say tbey — "the 
American Party ; we revere its princi- 
ples ; we respect Jiillard Fillmore, and 
lielieve he is the best man to fill the high 



office of President ; but iJiere is no chance 
for him, and therefore we will support 
Mr. Fremont 1 We du not ivish to be 
iderdijied with a losing Partij ! ! " _ Has 
it then come to this ? Is public virtue 
dead? Has all political morality van- 
ished from our world? brethren, we 
must tell you, there is something in this 
universe greater than Success! More 
valuable than the spoils of office I — IMorc 
delightful than the intoxication of vic- 
tory ! And that is rnixciPLB ! Duty ! 
TuuTH ! FiDixiTY ! ! Fetter, yes, better 
a thousand times be defeated with honor, 
and enjoy the sweet consciousness of be- 
ing faithful to duty ; than wear upon our 
heads the laurel crown of victory, while 
our hearts within us are crushed under 
the awful weight of violated pledges, 
broken vows, and dreadful perjurers ! 

But you are deceived, infatuated, blind- 
ed. Heaven grant that the gods may 
not have smitten you with that madness 
which is the presage of destruction. 

The chances oi' success are not with 
Fremont. Clear sighted politicians hes- 
itate not to say that Mr. Fillmore has 
two chances to his one. Fremont is al- 
ready defeated. The late election in 
Pennsylvania has sealed his fate and that 
' of the licpublican party. Mr. Buchanan 
will carry that State beyond a doubt ; 
but Mr. Fillmore is certain of New York 
'. an^ some other states ; enough to defeat 
I both Fremont and Buchanan, and throw 
i the election into the House of Eeprcscu- 
I tatives. As it looks now, the probabili- 
ties are that the nest President will be 
Millard Fillmore! 
It is true in Maine, New Hampshire, 
Vermont, and some other New England 
states we cannot expect to get the electoral 
vote for Mr. Fillmore. But we can raise 
the banner of our party, and show the 
' world that wc are not simply a negation 
like the Fremont party, but that we have 
principles ; and in victory or defeat are 
I ready to stand by those principles. 
I Americans of New England awake from 
' your slumbers, rally to the support of 
"Fill:hore and Donelson the regular can- 
! didates of your party, and you will dis- 
! charge the duty you owe to you conscience, 
i to your party-^to your country. 
I Americans. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




